Medvedev Rules Out Reversing Abkhazia, S.Ossetia Recognition

Russian President, Dmitry Medvedev, said Moscow would not reverse its decision on recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and added that bilateral cooperation agreements with these “new states” were being prepared.

“New states have already emerged,” he said in an interview with three Russian TV networks – First Channel, Rossiya and NTV – on August 31. “The process of their recognition [by other states] may take a long period. But our position will not change depending on this [process]. We have already made our decision and we have taken this decision irreversibly. Our duty is to provide peace and calmness in the region. Our policy will be based on that.”

He also said that Russia would provide comprehensive assistance to Abkhazia and South Ossetia and Moscow would undertake its responsibilities towards these two regions through bilateral agreements with them.

“Agreement, international agreements are now being prepared; agreements between the two states – the Russian Federation and Abkhazia and the Russian Federation and South Ossetia,” he said.

These agreements, he said, would involve economic, humanitarian and military cooperation issues. “These will be full-pledged international relations between the allied states,” Medvedev said.

"It's All Over With the Unknown Soldier"

Twenty six unknown Georgian soldiers killed in clashes with Russian troops and South Ossetian militiamen were buried in Tbilisi on August 28. The official death toll among soldiers now stands at 183 – four of whom were reservists. According to official information, 13 Interior Ministry personnel were also killed in the conflict.

Georgian Leadership’s Expectations from EU Summit

President Saakashvili said late on August 31 he did not know what the outcome of the EU leaders’ summit would be, but he expected the European Union to say that it would never recognize Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

“I expect the European Union not to step back in the face of this dirty and outrageous attempt to legalize this illegality,” he said in a televised address to the nation. “I expect the European Union to support our country’s territorial integrity and to state that will never recognize results of this illegality. This is very important for us, because we will never tolerate it.”

He also said that he expected launch of “a big process.” “This is a process of Georgia’s final liberation; the process of Georgia’s real European integration; the process of final neutralization of aggressive forces in the region,” Saakashvili said.

He also said that this “will not be an easy process.”

Temur Iakobashvili, the Georgia’s state minister for reintegration, who is currently visiting Brussels together with PM Lado Gurgenidze and Foreign Minister Eka Tkeshelashvili, elaborated Georgia’s expectation in respect of the EU summit in more details.

He said in an interview with the Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) on August 31 that the Georgian side expected the summit to discuss EU-Georgia relations in various aspects.

“First of all this is humanitarian aid for the displaced persons,” he said. “Secondly, this is aid to help stabilize Georgia’s economy and to maintain foreign investors confidence towards Georgia – Americans are pledging USD 1 billion and it will be good if the Europeans allocate EUR 1 billion.”

“From the political point of view we expect launch of the process of integration, involving free trade regime, simplified visa rules, as well as institutional integration with the EU – of course it is early to speak about membership, but steps in this direction should be accelerate,” Iakobashvili said.

He also said that EU monitors on the ground should play an important role in “the process of de-occupation of Georgia.”

As far as EU-Russia relations are concerned, Iakobashvili said he did not expect the European Union to undertake “kind of traumatic steps against Russia at this stage.”

“However, we will most likely see EU’s strong language towards Russia and I think EU will choose the way of step-by-step isolation of Russia,” Iakobashvili said and added that EU would most likely warn Russia and start resorting to various sanction only after Russia still defied those warnings.

‘We Wanted International Help on Ground’ – Saakashvili

Georgia would like to have had “concrete help on the ground,” rather than just statements of support from the international community, President Saakashvili said on August 20.

Speaking at a meeting with lawmakers from the ruling party, Saakashvili said that “Russian occupiers” had failed to achieve their goals and to ruin the Georgian state.

“I am proud of my people and the entire world is proud of Georgians; this is not an exaggeration; just take a look at foreign TV networks and you will see what kind of statements are being made,” he said. “We would like to have had a concrete help on the ground, rather than just statements.”

“Despite of my numerous warnings – I did not want to look like being in panic, but I have told to almost every world leader, that that [the Russian invasion] could happen – the world believed in it only after it had actually happened.”

“What is now happening in Georgia is a struggle between the civilization and non-civilization; struggle between medieval centuries and the 21st century and we are on the forefront of this struggle. But I am sure that now it is clear for everyone that Georgia should not be left alone and everyone understood – although painfully – that the Europe’s future is now determined here.”

Russian Troops Reinstalled in Gori

Late on August 20 the Russian forces reopened two checkpoints in the town of Gori, which were removed a day earlier, a journalist of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Georgian service reported from the town early on Thursday morning.

One of the checkpoints was reinstalled at the bridge over Mtkvari river in the south of Gori and another one – at the bridge over the Liakhvi river in the west of the town.

RFE/RL Georgian service correspondent also reported that it seemed to be a rotation of Russian units in Gori, because new commanders and soldiers were seen on the ground. He, however, also noted that it was relatively lighter presence.

OSCE Chair Visits Georgia

OSCE Chairman-in-Office, Alexander Stubb, who is the Finnish Foreign Minister, will arrive in Tbilisi on August 21.

OSCE has decided to immediately send 20 monitors to the “areas adjacent to South Ossetia.” It was also agreed to increase an overall number of monitors up to 100 in the future, which has yet to be discussed within OSCE.

Stubb, along with the French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, was engaged in the mediation of a ceasefire accord between Tbilisi and Moscow.

Russia dismisses Nato's 'empty words' as it stands firm in Georgia

Nato united in the face of Russia’s failure to withdraw from Georgia yesterday, freezing regular contacts with Moscow and declaring that there could be “no business as usual under present circumstances”.

However, there will be no Nato troops rushing to Tbilisi to put military muscle behind the tough statement, which was issued at an emergency meeting of the 26 foreign ministers of the alliance in Brussels. Military assistance will be restricted to training exercises and talks about prospective membership of the alliance.

When David Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, met President Saakashvili of Georgia in Tbilisi, he emphasised that he was talking politically when he said that “Nato will defend the territorial integrity of Georgia”. He said that he was referring to the defence of international law.
The Nato statement triggered a furious response from Moscow, leaving relations between Russia and the West at their lowest point in years.

Sergei Lavrov, the Russian Foreign Minister, accused Nato of trying to save “a criminal regime in Tbilisi” and “taking a path to the rearmament of the current leaders in Georgia”. He claimed that Russian troops could be withdrawn within three or four days. However, President Medvedev of Russia said later that 500 troops would be left behind to “implement additional security measures”.

Dimitri Rogozin, the Russian Ambassador to Nato, also dismissed the statement of the alliance. “On the whole, all of these threats that have been raining down on Russia turned out to be empty words,” he said.

Nato’s political support for Georgia did not go down well with Georgians either. When Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, the Secretary-General of Nato, announced at the end of the meeting that the alliance was to set up a Nato/Georgia Commission to arrange discussions with Tbilisi, a Georgian journalist asked: “With Russian troops deep inside Georgia, murdering and raping its people, what does this new Nato/Georgia Commission do for us?”

Condoleezza Rice, the US Secretary of State, said that Nato had an open-door policy for membership and declared that Russia had no right to try to draw a new line in Europe, preventing certain countries from opting for a transatlantic future.

Under Article 5 of the Nato charter alliance troops are obliged to go to the defence of another country under attack only if it is a full member.

The continuing presence of thousands of Russian troops, some only 30km (19 miles) from Tbilisi, convinced even the more cautious allies such as France and Germany to demand a full Russian withdrawal.

Although the foreign ministers decided against scrapping the six-year-old Nato-Russia Council, which has generated closer political and security ties with Moscow, Mr Miliband said that there was no question of relations with the Russians carrying on as normal. “I think we should still engage with the Russians but in a hard-headed way, and we mustn’t allow the Russians to feel they are the victims of this affair when they are the transgressors,” he said.

British diplomatic sources said that Mr Miliband planned to use his 24-hour visit to Georgia to see what the Russians had been doing since crossing into the country after the ill-fated attempt by Mr Saakashvili to regain control of South Ossetia, the pro-Russian breakaway region.

Dr Rice underlined the desire by Washington “not to isolate Russia”, but said that the Russians had isolated themselves “when they invaded a small neighbouring country” and started bombing, “wreaking havoc and causing wanton destruction”.

The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe sent the first of about 100 ceasefire inspectors to the country yesterday after an appeal by the Georgian leader for international monitors.

At the United Nations, Britain said last night that a British diplomat had been stopped at a Russian checkpoint in Georgia and was told that he could not proceed without a Russian visa. Officials said that the defence attaché was stopped at the checkpoint in Natsreti on Monday.

Sir John Sawers, Britain’s UN envoy, asked his Russian counterpart across the Security Council table: “Do foreigners now need Russian visas to travel within Georgia?”

France circulated a new version of a proposed Security Council resolution that would reaffirm Georgia’s “territorial integrity”. Russia said that it would not support the draft.

Staring Down the Russians

By Zbigniew Brzezinski

The end of the Cold War was supposed to usher in a new age in which the major powers would no longer dictate to their neighbors how to run their affairs. That is why Russia's invasion of Georgia is so tragic and so potentially ominous. Russia is now on watch: Will it continue to rely on coercion to achieve its imperial aims or is it willing to work within the emerging international system that values cooperation and consensus?

Moscow's ruthless attempt to suborn, subdue and subordinate this tiny, independent democracy is reminiscent of Stalin's times. The assault on Georgia is similar to what Stalin's Soviet Union did to Finland in 1939: in both cases, Moscow engaged in an arbitrary, brutal and irresponsible use of force to impose domination over a weaker, democratic neighbor. The question now is whether the global community can demonstrate to the Kremlin that there are costs for the blatant use of force on behalf of anachronistic imperialist goals.

This conflict has been brewing for years. Russia has deliberately instigated the breakup of Georgian territory. Moscow has promoted secessionist activities in several Georgian provinces: Abkhazia, Ajaria and, of course, South Ossetia. It has sponsored rebellious governments in these territories, armed their forces and even bestowed Russian citizenship on the secessionists. These efforts have intensified since the emergence in Georgia of a democratic, pro-Western government. Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's resentment toward Georgia and its President, the U.S.-educated Mikheil Saakashvili, has seemingly become a personal obsession.

The international community has not done enough to push back. In recent weeks, a series of incidents along the fragile cease-fire lines that cut across Georgian territory helped prompt the escalation of violence, including Georgia's abortive effort to remove the "government" of South Ossetia, a small region with a population of about 70,000 people. That rash action was perhaps unwise, but it is evident from Russia's military response that Moscow was waiting for such an act to provide a pretext for the use of force. Large Russian contingents quickly swept into South Ossetia and then into Georgia, sending tanks to Gori and bombing Gori and the capital, Tbilisi.

Russia's aggression toward Georgia should not be viewed as an isolated incident. The fact is, Putin and his associates in the Kremlin don't accept the post-Soviet realities. Putin was sincere when he declared some time ago that in his view, the dissolution of the Soviet Union was "the greatest geopolitical disaster of the [20th] century." Independent democracies like Georgia and Ukraine, for the Putin regime, are not only historical anomalies, but also represent a direct political threat.

Ukraine could well be the next flash point. The Russian leadership has already openly questioned whether it needs to respect Ukraine's territorial integrity. Russian leaders have also remarked that Crimea, a part of Ukraine, should once again be joined to Russia. Similarly, Russian pressure on Moldova led to the effective partition of that small former Soviet republic. Moscow is also continuing to try to economically isolate central Asian neighbors like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. And the Baltic nations of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia have been the object of various threats from Russia, including economic sanctions and disruptive cyberwarfare.

The stakes are high. Ultimately, the independence of the post-Soviet states is at risk. Russia seems committed to the notion that there should be some sort of supranational entity, governed from the Kremlin, that would oversee much of the former Soviet territories. This attitude reflects in part the intense nationalistic mood that now permeates Russia's political élite. Vladimir Putin, former President and now Prime Minister, is riding this nationalist wave, exploiting it politically and propagating it with the Russian public. Some now even talk of a renewed Russian military presence in Cuba as a form of retaliation against the U.S. for its support of the independence of the post-Soviet states.

For the West, especially the U.S., the conflict between Russia and Georgia poses both moral and geostrategic challenges. The moral dimension is self-evident: a small country that gained its independence only recently, after almost two centuries of Russian domination, deserves international support that goes beyond simple declarations of sympathy. Then there are questions of geostrategy. An independent Georgia is critical to the international flow of oil. A pipeline for crude oil now runs from Baku in Azerbaijan, on the Caspian Sea, through Georgia to the Turkish Mediterranean coast. The link provides the West access to the energy resources of central Asia. If that access is cut, the Western world will lose an important opportunity to diversify its sources of energy.

The West needs to respond to Russia's aggression in a clear and determined manner. That doesn't mean with force. Nor should it fall into a new cold war with Russia. But the West, particularly the U.S., should continue to mobilize the international community to condemn Russia's behavior. Presidential candidates Barack Obama (whom I support) and John McCain should endorse President George W. Bush's efforts to oppose Russia's actions and form a bipartisan stand on this issue. It is unfortunate that some of the candidates' supporters are engaging in pointless criticism of each other's public statements on the Georgia crisis. This is too important for that.

It is premature to specify what precise measures the West should adopt. But Russia must be made to understand that it is in danger of becoming ostracized internationally. This should be a matter of considerable concern to Russia's new business élite, who are increasingly vulnerable to global financial pressure. Russia's powerful oligarchs have hundreds of billions of dollars in Western bank accounts. They would stand to lose a great deal in the event of a Cold War–style standoff that could conceivably result, at some stage, in the West's freezing of such holdings.

At some point, the West should consider the Olympic option. If the issue of Georgia's territorial integrity is not adequately resolved (by, for example, the deployment in South Ossetia and Abkhazia of a truly independent international security force replacing Russian troops), the U.S. should contemplate withdrawing from the 2014 Winter Games, to be held in the Russian city of Sochi, next to the violated Georgia's frontier. There is a precedent for this. I was part of the Carter Administration when we brandished the Olympic torch as a symbolic weapon in 1980, pulling out of the Summer Games in Moscow after the Russian invasion of Afghanistan. The Soviet Union had planned a propaganda show reminiscent of Hitler's 1936 Olympics in Berlin. America's boycott delivered a body blow to President Leonid Brezhnev and his communist system and prevented Moscow from enjoying a world-class triumph.

The Georgian crisis is a critical test for Russia. If Putin sticks to his guns and subordinates Georgia and removes its freely elected President — something Putin's Foreign Minister has explicitly called for — it is only a question of time before Moscow turns up the heat on Ukraine and the other independent but vulnerable post-Soviet states. The West has to respond carefully but with a moral and strategic focus. Its objective has to be a democratic Russia that is a constructive participant in a global system based on respect for sovereignty, law and democracy. But that objective can be achieved only if the world makes clear to Moscow that a stridently nationalistic Russia will not succeed in any effort to create a new empire in our postimperial age.

Brzezinski, who was National Security Adviser to President Carter, is co-author, with Brent Scowcroft, of America and the World, to be published in September

How Can NATO Confront Russia?

The Russian Army continued to occupy Georgia in defiance of the West yesterday as Nato leaders gathered to hammer out a united response to the new military threat from Moscow.

There was no sign of a withdrawal from Georgian soil despite a declaration from Moscow that a pullout had begun. The Georgian Government in Tbilisi countered that Russian forces were still trying to take more territory.

Nato foreign ministers will meet in Brussels today to try to overcome deep-seated divisions on the best way to confront the first Russian invasion of a neighbour since the end of the Cold War. The United States, Britain and many Eastern European states are pressing for a tough stance but France, Germany and others are reluctant to alienate Moscow.

Dmitri Medvedev, the Russian President, told forces veterans in the city of Kursk, the scene of one of the decisive battles of the Second World War, that Russia would deliver a “crushing response” to any attack on its citizens. A Nato spokeswoman said that its 26 foreign ministers would “reiterate full support for the territorial integrity of Georgia” and its eventual membership of the alliance. A package of support measures could include aid to rebuild Georgia's military infrastructure, which Tbilisi says has been wrecked by Russian forces.
Dmitri Rogozin, Russia's Ambassador to Nato, warned the alliance that its relationship with Moscow would suffer if the foreign ministers expressed support for Georgia. Bernard Kouchner, the French Foreign Minister, also disclosed that Russia was “not inclined to accept” a team of 100 European observers to monitor the ceasefire in Georgia.

The Times witnessed Russian forces continuing to man checkpoints and defensive positions 40km (25 miles) from Georgia's capital, Tbilisi, yesterday. Troops controlled the road to the city of Gori, which remained under Russian control.

Hundreds of Georgian soldiers sat in pick-up trucks about five miles from the first Russian checkpoint, waiting to reclaim control of Gori. After some hours, however, they retreated towards Tbilisi when it became clear that the Russians were not leaving.

Russian troops blocked access to Gori, although humanitarian aid was allowed in, and a series of explosions could be heard in the city. Several blasts were also heard in the town of Senaki, where Russian troops also barred reporters from entering.

Georgia's Foreign Ministry said that there was “not even a sign” of a Russian withdrawal, adding that police had deterred a Russian advance into the town of Sachkere and the spa resort of Borjomi in central Georgia.

The deputy head of the general staff in Moscow announced the start of a pullout from Georgia but gave no indication of when Russia would comply with US and European demands for a complete withdrawal. Colonel-General Anatoly Nogovitsyn said: “I can only say that we will not be leaving as fast as we came.”

The White House repeated its demand for a withdrawal “without delay”. US Defence Department officials said that Russia had moved SS-21 missile launchers into South Ossetia that are capable of hitting Tbilisi.

EU leaders have been hardening their attitude as patience over Kremlin intransigence runs out. President Sarkozy of France, the EU's current chairman, said he would call an emergency summit “to decide what consequences to draw” if Russian forces were not pulled out.

President Sarkozy, who brokered the ceasefire deal with Russia last week, warned President Medvedev on Sunday that there would be “serious consequences” for relations with the EU if Russia did not comply with the accord.

Germany is working on a proposal for a reconstruction conference for Georgia involving the EU and Georgia's neighbours in the Caucasus, Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Before flying to the Nato meeting, Condoleezza Rice, the US Secretary of State, said that Russia's reputation lay in tatters. She said: “We are going to help rebuild Georgia into a strong Georgian state. The Russians will have failed in their effort to undermine Georgia.”

President Saakashvili's future seemed less certain in Georgia as criticism emerged of his decision to send troops into South Ossetia on August 7. Opposition leaders said that he would face hard questions once Russian tanks had left Georgia.

Nino Burjanadze, a former ally in the 2003 Rose Revolution that swept Mr Saakashvili to power, is emerging as a potential challenger. She told Reuters: “Georgian mothers are very brave and they are ready to send their children, their sons, to fight to defend their country. But Georgian mothers, as all mothers in the world, have a right to know why they are doing this.”

Do not feed the bear's paranoia

One thing is clear in the New Cold War that has sent shivers down spines all over the world. It is that the United States, Britain and the rest of the West will not go to war with Russia to defend Georgia. The question asked by Geoffrey Wheatcroft today, is a pertinent one, therefore. What was the point of inviting the Georgians to join Nato? Nato is, after all, explicitly an alliance of mutual self-defence that commits each member to respond to an armed attack on any other member as if it were an attack on itself.


One argument has been made by American hawks. It is that, if Georgia had been a member of Nato, Russia would not have dared to drive its tanks to within 20 miles of the Georgian capital, Tbilisi. This is simplistic in the extreme. It overlooks the tensions that were inherent in the rebirth of Georgia as an independent state in 1990-92. As Shaun Walker reports, the break-up of the USSR left a number of riddles unresolved about the level at which the principle of self-determination applies. In Georgia, ethnic minorities in Abkhazia and South Ossetia were as unhappy about Georgian domination as Georgians had been about Russian rule. Since 1993, Russian troops have been stationed in both areas as "peace-keepers" – in effect as guarantors of autonomous status within Georgia. Of course, Russian policy has been aggressive and destabilising, as Vladimir Putin fomented separatism in Georgia's tiny autonomous republics. But how could Nato membership have been compatible with such a situation?

The honest answer is that it could not have been, and that was why it was pursued with such enthusiasm by Mikheil Saakashvili, the Georgian President. He wanted to join Nato precisely because it would have meant a confrontation with the Russians – how could Russian troops be stationed on the soil of a Nato country? Mr Saakashvili has shown himself as a leader of poor judgement. In all the playground back-and-forth about who started it, it was Mr Saakashvili's decision to launch a military attack on the capital of South Ossetia eight days ago that stands out as the most disastrous mistake.

There may be those who interpret this to mean that The Independent on Sunday advocates a policy of appeasement towards Russian aggression. We reject the charge. We agree with George Bush when he condemns Russian bullying. But so much of the West's response to this crisis has been waffle and, where it has not been meaningless guff, it has actually made matters worse.

Although Gordon Brown has been conspicuous by his low profile, at least he has avoided making a dash to Tblisi, as David Cameron has done, to show disingenuous solidarity with the Georgian people and to repeat – apparently on behalf of the British Government – the promise of Nato membership. Instead of looking statesmanlike, which may have been the intention, he looks concerned but unworldly and immature.

One does not need to be a Kremlin apologist to point out what Nato expansion looks like from Russia. Russia's pride and paranoia may seem irrational, but it is real and needs to be managed. That does not mean "appeased", but neither should it mean "provoked". When President Bush said on Friday that "the days of satellite states and spheres of influence are behind us", it does not take much imagination to see how that might be interpreted in Russia. No doubt Mr Bush meant it in a benign, "why can't we all get along together" way, but to a Russian it could easily be an expression of ideological imperialism (of the type that sought to bring democracy to Iraq) and American triumphalism. "The Cold War is over" means "We won", and the end of spheres of influence means "Get used to it".

From Moscow, too, a missile defence deal between the US and Poland, hurriedly signed on Thursday, looks unfriendly. Of course, Anatoly Nogovitsyn, Russia's deputy chief of general staff, could have chosen his words more carefully when he said that the US move "cannot go unpunished". But then that goes for both sides. You do not need to be a Russian nationalist to find the official rationale for the US-Poland deal – that it offers protection against Iran – unconvincing.

The West, by which we mean primarily the 26 Nato members, needs to get this straight before a more serious crisis arises, most likely in Ukraine. If the Georgian crisis acts as an inoculation against such a future threat; if it marks the end of Nato expansion; and if Western leaders adapt their rhetoric to a more thoughtful realism – then it is possible that something positive might come out of the summer of 2008. But only if Western leaders show a clear-eyed understanding of Russia's fears and change the tone and substance of their response.

Saakashvili Lashes Out at West's "Muted Reaction"

Speaking at a joint news conference with the U.S. Secretary of State on August 15 in Tbilisi, President Saakashvili lashed out at “most of the European countries” for their “muted and quiet” reaction to what he called was Russia’s preparation of Georgia’s invasion in recent months.

In an emotional speech He said those troops attacking Georgia were “barbarians of 21st century.” “All these could have been prevented; we were screaming, shouting to the world that Russia was going to do it,” he said.

Below are extracts from his opening remarks at the news conference:

As we speak now, significant part Georgian territories remain under foreign military occupation.
You might have heard reports that some Russian APCs were dislocated to move closely to the capital and are on halfway between Gori and Tbilisi.

Before focusing on today’s ceasefire agreement, I still would like to draw your attention to the events that preceded the whole invasion and occupation.

Well, when in April in Bucharest Georgia was denied the membership action plan by some members of NATO, I warned western media that it [denial to grant MAP] was asking for trouble. Not only they denied us membership action plan, but they specifically told the world that they are denying Georgia membership action plan because of existing territorial conflicts in Georgia, basically inviting the trouble.

And I told the world this is the worst thing one could say to the Russians that there will be no NATO until there are conflicts and more there are conflicts less there will be offered the NATO.
And immediately after April, immediately after Bucharest – and I can tell you now that Russians perceived Bucharest – and I mentioned it and then some of the western commentators made fun of me, saying this hot-headed Saakashvili tells this rubbish again.

I told them Russia perceives it as new Munich. Bucharest was perceived by them as new Munich. And what happened was that immediately they started build-up of the infrastructure in Abkhazia, immediately they started to bring in railway troops to build railway in depopulated, ethnically cleansed areas of Abkhazia, cynically claiming that they were doing this for humanitarian purposes.

And I shouted to the world that this is for bringing tanks. They built tanks bases all over Abkhazia and in South Ossetia in place of Java.

They started to bring in lots of military specialists, reconnaissance, they brought in paratroopers.
Again we screamed to the world Stop It.

There were some statements from Washington, but I have to tell you, most of the European countries, with some remarkable exceptions, there was pretty muted and quiet reaction and Russians were carefully watching this reaction, they were doing step by step, first some infrastructure, then some additional troops, then some legal acts, then again infrastructure, again some intrusion and wait watching carefully what Europeans have to say, watching carefully what would be a counter-reaction of the international community.

And it really did not follow.

Madam Secretary, whereas we were standing here last time, few weeks ago there was intrusion of Russian planes into the Georgian airspace, just exactly in the lines of South Ossetia.
And you remember as well as I do that then we downplayed, I downplayed it myself – I said, well, they are here just to salute Secretary Rice.

But that time they said: Yes, this is us, we flew there, implying that it was intent to bomb against Georgians and again they watched European reaction – no European countries said anything about it.

So, who invited the trouble here, who invited this arrogance here, who invited these innocent deaths here, not only those people, who perpetrate them, are responsible but also those people, who failed to stop that. Who is now trying to look forth for an excuse saying “you know Georgians might have started it.”

Excuse me, 1,200 tanks came into Georgia within few hours. There is no way you can mobilize those tanks in such a fast period unless you are ready.

There were all these movements on the ground, all around the place. You know, when it’s all started I wanted the world to know, I was going for holidays, my defense minister was going for a holidays. When the things started I had to rush back, cut my holidays short. When the tensions raised I had to summon back our defense minister, most of our officials were gone, most of decision makers I tried to reach were gone for vacations. It was brilliantly selected timing for this intervention.

Unfortunately, today we are looking evil directly in the eye. And today this evil is very strong, very nasty and very dangerous for everybody, not only for us.

That is what we learnt, but together this can be and will be only the first chapter. Let us write the next chapter together and write this historic new chapter of the world for the world.

We want them out. I want the world to know – never ever will Georgia reconcile with occupation of even one square kilometer of its sovereign territory, never ever.

There is a strong force led by former KGB worriers, those tanks that were taken out of Afghanistan, of eastern Europe, now are rolling back again into other countries.

Georgia was the first one to take their hit, but they are on the roll, they are arrogant, they will not stop.

But I can tell you – never ever my small nation of Georgia that has already gone through seventy years of subjugation by these barbarians, of 20th century then and 21st century now in exactly the similar circumstances – in 1921 Russia claimed that Georgia attacked one of its minorities, entered Georgia from the east and occupied Georgia for seventy years and we were in seventy years of communism, slavery and humiliation.

I grew up with the idea that it should never happen again. I wept when Berlin wall came down.
I thought that former KGB people were gone for good. On that one I was wrong.

But on one I was never wrong and I will never be wrong and I will be strong on it together with my people – you saw huge rally in downtown Tbilisi two days ago – never ever we will surrender, never ever we will give up our freedom and independence, never ever we will give any piece of our territory and freedom will go to every part of Georgia, to every ethnic group, to every community in Georgia and we will definitely get rid of these invaders for good. I am totally convinced on that one.

Merkel Meets Saakashvili in Tbilisi

German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, who arrived in Tbilisi on August 17, met with with President Saakashvili.

The visit comes after the German Chancellor held talks with Russia's President Dmitry Medvedev in Sochi on August 15.

Bush: Georgia’s Territorial Integrity not for Debate

South Ossetia and Abkhazia are part of Georgia and “there’s no room for debate on this matter,” U.S. President George W. Bush said on August 16.

"A major issue is Russia's contention that the regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia may not be a part of Georgia's future. But these regions are a part of Georgia, and the international community has repeatedly made clear that they will remain so," he said.

He said that a ceasefire agreement signed by Russia and Georgia was “a hopeful step” and added that Russia now needed to honor that agreement and withdrew troops.

Bush made the statement after meeting with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice at his Crawford, Texas, ranch. Rice flew to Crawford to brief Bush on her trip to Tbilisi on August 15.

Medvedev Signs Ceasefire

Russian President, Dmitry Medvedev, signed a six-point ceasefire agreement on August 16, Interfax news agency reported.

Russian Foreign Ministry spokesman, Andrei Nesterenko, said shortly before the news broke, that no exact time of launch of Russian forces pull out was yet known.

Russia will start pulling its forces back from the territory on Georgia proper as soon as “huge depots” of ammunition left by the Georgian army is “neutralized,” he said.

Speaking live from Moscow with CNN, Andrei Nesterenko, the MFA spokesman, said French President Nikola Sarkozy phoned his Russian counterpart late on August 15 and informed that President Saakashvili had signed the ceasefire agreement.

“President Medvedev’s reaction was very positive [on that news] and I hope today it will be signed [by the Russian side],” Nesterenko said. “Russia is going to complete all the obligations, which are pending on this document.”

He, however, said he could not give an exact time when President Medvedev would sign it, or when the Russian troops would start pulling back from the territories occupied deep inside Georgia.

But he also said that the Russian forces are still continuing, what he called was, “a security operation.”

“They are neutralizing all those huge depots of ammunition and military equipment, which have been left by the Georgian army,” Nesterenko said. “There are lots of booby-traps installed in some of the houses, so it needs to be totally neutralized and after the operation is completed the troops will go the Russian soil.”

He, however, also reiterated the provision of the six-point ceasefire agreement that part of the troops will remain in the South Ossetian conflict zone to perform peacekeeping operations, as it was prior to the resumption of hostilities.

The Russian Foreign Ministry official also emphasized that the treaty obliges Georgia to bring all of its forces back to their places of permanent location.

“What we need to be sure today is fulfillment of obligations by Georgia,” he added.

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88,000 Georgians Displaced – UNHCR

UN refugee agency (UNHCR) reported based on estimates provided by the Georgian government that up to 15,000 people have fled south from South Ossetia into Georgia proper.

In addition, the agency said, some 73,000 people were displaced from the areas outside South Ossetia, including most of the population from Gori.

MP Koba Subeliani, a lawmaker in charge of overseeing the matter, said on August 16, that number of displaced persons, who have found shelter in Tbilisi, has reached 60,000.

He specified that the number involved only those displaced persons who had been registered by the officials and are living in collective centers. Most of them have found shelter mainly in schools and kindergartens.

UNHCR also said that its staff in Georgia, in a two-day operation, escorted more than 700 “frightened residents” of the upper Kodori Gorge to safety. Upper Kodori Gorge was the only part of Abkhazia before it was taken over the Abkhaz forces, backed by the Russian troops, on August 12.

UNHCR also said on August 15, based on data provided by the Russian authorities, that some 30,000 people from South Ossetia were still in the Russian Federation.

No Change in Position on Georgia’s NATO Membership – Merkel

German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, said on August 15, there was no change in position about Georgia and Ukraine’s NATO membership, as it was agreed at the alliance’s summit in Bucharest in April.

“We have left the timing open and we have said they could be made members if they want this and that position remains,” She said at a joint news conference with President Medvedev after talks in Sochi.

Merkel-Medvedev Georgia Talks

Merkel: some of Russia’s actions disproportionate;
• Medvedev: breakaway regions unlikely to join Georgia;
• Medvedev: Abkhaz, S.Ossetians trust only Russians;

Russian President, Dmitry Medvedev, said on August 15 it was unlikely Abkhazians and South Ossetians would agree to live in one state with Georgia; he also said although Moscow was not against of internationalization of peacekeeping process, there was little chance for that as the breakaway regions trusted only Russians.

Speaking at a joint news conference with German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, after talks in Sochi, Medvedev stepped up personal attacks on his Georgian counterpart. He said Mikheil Saakashvili decided to sidestep diplomatic efforts, which he “hates” and moved with the decision to solve the problem “in his way by taking over Ossetia.”

As a result, he continued, Russia used “the right of self-defense” and intervened to protect its citizens and peacekeeper.

“Peace needs to be re-established in the region and it should be guaranteed so that no one would get any idiotic ideas,” he said. “I see this as Russia’s major task.”

He has also warned that Russia would react in a similar way if something similar reoccurred in the future.

“Our peacekeeping mandate was fulfilled and implement and we will continue to fulfill it and if there is an action against our peacekeepers and citizens we will react as we reacted before and there should be no doubt about that,” Medvedev said.

The German Chancellor, who is expected to arrive in Tbilisi on Sunday, responded after Medvedev’s these remarks with a relatively moderate criticism of the Russia’s moves by saying: “Some of the actions of Russia were not proportionate.”

Then she added: “We do not think presence of Russian troops in Georgia’s central areas is reasonable.”

“We do need to implement the six-point plan and Russian and Georgian troops should be withdrawn from the central areas and I think the progress is already being made,” Merkel said.

When asked about Russia’s stance on Georgia’s territorial integrity, Medvedev said Moscow was not rejecting this “fundamental principle” of international law.

“But the question is in such a concrete situation and in a particular country,” he continued. “Unfortunately, after what has happened it is unlikely for the Ossetians and Abkhazians to live in a single state together with the Georgians. Titanic efforts will be needed to resolve this problem.”

“Russia as a guarantor in the Caucasus will take the decision which will reflect in a clear cut way the will of these two Caucasian peoples.

He said that he had discussed the matter with President Sarkozy and also with, as he put it, “leaders of unrecognized territorial entities of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.”

Merkel said responding to this question that at first a format in which issues related with the status would be discussed should be found.

She also added that she could not “pre-judge the outcome” of such discussions, but added that Georgia’s territorial integrity should be taken into account.

“In recent years and in fact decade we have not found solution to the conflict on the political level and we can not spend another fifteen years without finding a stable solution and part of this [solution] needs to be the territorial integrity of Georgia,” Merkel said.

The Russian President said that Moscow was not against of international peacekeepers on the ground.

“But the problem is that Ossetians and Abkhazians do not have confidence in anyone else except of Russians, because the recent history of last 15 years shows that the only troops capable to defend their interests are the Russian troops,” he said. “For that reason they consider that the Russian troops are the only guarantors of their interests and it should be taken into account.”

He, however, also said that discussions over the internationalization had already begun and would continue.

In this regard Chancellor Merkel made a clear distinction between international monitors and international peacekeepers. She said that having monitors on the ground was the priority at this stage.

OSCE Chairman-in-Office, the Finnish Foreign Minister, Alexander Stubb, requested the OSCE-member states to increase the organization’s monitors on the ground in the South Ossetian conflict zone up by 100.

Bush Says Cold War Over

U.S. President George W. Bush has again reiterated Washington’s strong support to Georgia and warned Russia its actions may lead to its isolation.

“A Cold War is over,” he said on August 15. “The old days of satellite states and spheres of influence are behind us.”

He said that Georgia was a democracy, but “unfortunately, Russia has tended to view the expansion of freedom and democracy as a threat to its interests.”

“Only Russia can decide whether it can put itself back on the path of responsible nations or continue to pursue the policy that promises only confrontation and isolation,” Bush said. “To begin to repair relations with the United States, Europe and other nations and to begin restoring its place in world, Russia must respect the freedom of its neighbors.”

“A contentious relationship with Russia is not in America’s interest and a contentious relationship with America is not in Russia’s interest. With these actions of recent days Russia has damaged its credibility and its relations with the nations of the free world.”

He reiterated that the support towards “people of Georgia and democratically elected government” and added that “Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity must be respected.”

“Moscow must honor its commitment to withdraw its invaded forces from all Georgian territory,” Bush said.

Russia Used Cluster Bombs in Georgian Towns

Human Rights Watch said on August 15 its researchers had uncovered evidence that Russian aircraft dropped cluster bombs in populated areas in Georgia, killing at least 11 civilians and injuring dozens.

Russian aircraft dropped RBK-250 cluster bombs on the village of Ruisi in the Kareli district of Georgia on August 12, killing three civilians, it said.

On the same day, a cluster strike in the center of the town of Gori killed at least eight civilians, including a Dutch journalist and injured dozens, according to HRW.

“Cluster bombs are indiscriminate killers that most nations have agreed to outlaw,” Marc Garlasco, senior military analyst at HRW, said. “Russia’s use of this weapon is not only deadly to civilians, but also an insult to international efforts to avoid a global humanitarian disaster of the kind caused by landmines.”

Russian Georgian Conflict Predicted in Video Game?

Russian Troops Are Still in Gori

The Russian forces, which control Gori, continue refusing to allow the Georgian police units inside the town.

Russian armored vehicles are blocking the entrance of the town are continue controlling the major highway linking Georgia’s east with the west of the country.

Alexandre Lomaia, the secretary of Georgia’s National Security Council, told journalists on Friday morning that it was stable. He in negotiating with the Russian command in the town terms of the town hand over, but details remain unclear.

Saakashvili: Russia Wants to Impose "Munich-Type of Deal" on Georgia

President Saakashvili said Russia was blackmailing Georgia through military and diplomatic maneuvering to force it accept “a Munich-type of deal” – a reference to the 1938 treaty that allowed Nazi Germany to annex part of Czechoslovakia.

In a statement made for a group of foreign journalists on August 14, Saakashvili said the deal would mean Georgia abandoning its drive to restore territorial integrity and amount to legalizing Russian troops’ presence on the Georgian soil. He did not give further details.

Saakashvili said “one-third of Georgia’s territory” was under the Russian occupation and the Russian tanks were rolling back and forth trying to mount pressure on the Georgian authorities.
Despite the August 13 agreement between the Russian military commander on the ground and the Georgian officials, town of Gori remained under the Russian forces’ control and the Georgian security and police forces were standing outside the town all day long waiting for the town hand over. But there were no signs of Russians retreating.

“We are planning it [withdrawal as part of the ceasefire deal],” Anatoly Nogovitsin, Russia's deputy chief of staff, told reporters in Moscow on August 14. “It depends on many factors. I can't give you the date. We have stopped building up troops.”

Also on August 14 Russia’s President Dmitry Medvedev med with secessionist leaders of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Sergey Bagapsh and Eduard Kokoity, respectively, in Moscow. The two secessionist leaders signed a six-point agreement.

Russia’s UN ambassador, Vitaly Churkin, said “Presidents of Abkhazia and South Ossetia” had already subscribed to the, as he called it, “Medvedev-Sarkozy plan” and “the only missing thing is the Georgian side.”

And Russia’s Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, said it bluntly that he thought there was no way that those two regions would accept to be part of Georgia after what had happened.

Meanwhile in the United States, Secretary of Defense Gates called a special news conference jointly with Vice Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. James Cartwright on the situation in Georgia and then President Bush reiterated his support for Georgia’s territorial integrity after he was briefed on situation in Georgia by CIA chief.

The Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, is expected to arrive in Tbilisi on August 15, after travailing to France.

“The head of state [President Sarkozy] and Mrs. Rice both deemed that the six-point agreement protocol approved by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili on August 12 must be signed without delay by the parties,” the French EU presidency said in a statement after meeting between Rice and Sarkozy.

"I Accuse Russia of Ethnic Cleansing"

“In the eyes of the mankind Russian troops are perpetrating ethnic cleansing, brutally mercilessly in my country and we can not do anything about it,” President Saakashvili said at a late-night press conference for foreign journalists on August 14.

He said not only the Georgian villages of the South Ossetian conflict zone, as well as of the Gori distinct have been “cleansed,” but upper Kodori Gorge as well.

“What Russia did by this [military] intervention is that they came in and ethnically purified, ethnically cleansed two areas of Georgia – totally cleansed Upper Abkhazia [areas in breakaway Abkhazia that were under the Tbilisi control before August 12] and totally cleansed South Ossetia,” Saakashvili said.

“I accuse the government of Russia of deliberate ethnic cleansing and I can prove it with international organization already bringing testimony to what I am saying. We’ve received 1,400 reports of brutal attacks, slaughters and rapes.”

Georgia filed a lawsuit against Russia in the International Court of Justice (ICJ), claiming Russia, through the separatist authorities in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, violated a convention meant to eliminate racism in a period between 1990 and August, 2008.

HRW: "Indiscriminate Attacks" on Both Sides

Civilians from the both sides, in Gori and Tskhinvali, have been victims of indiscriminate attacks, the Human Rights Watch (HRW) said on August 14.

An attack on the main square in the Georgian town of Gori on August 12 killed and injured dozens of civilians, it said. And in Tskhinvali HRW researchers saw numerous apartment buildings and houses damaged by shelling.

“Some of them had been hit by rockets most likely fired from Grad launchers, weapons that should not be used in areas populated by civilians, as they cannot be directed at only military targets and are therefore inherently indiscriminate,” it said.

“Human Rights Watch expressed its deep concern over the apparently indiscriminate nature of the attacks that have taken such a toll on civilians.”

Anna Neistat of HRW, who was leading a team investigating the humanitarian damage in South Ossetia, told the Guardian that Russia’s claims that 2,000 Ossetians were killed were “exaggerated.”

“The figure of 2,000 people killed is very doubtful," she said. "Our findings so far do not in any way confirm the Russian statistics. On the contrary, they suggest the numbers are exaggerated.”

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Chlorides 250–500
Sodium and alkali 1200–2000
Calcium 100
Free carbonic acid, % 0,34–0,42
General mineralization 5,5–7,5



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Six Point Plan is Signed

President Medvedev said Russia would “support any status for South Ossetia and Abkhazia that is accepted by the people of these republics.”

The Russian President made the remarks at a meeting with Abkhaz and South Ossetian secessionist leaders, Sergey Bagapsh and Eduard Kokoity, respectively, in Moscow on August 14, the Kremlin said.

Both Bagapsh and Kokoity signed a six-point document, outlining principles for the conflict resolution, in presence of President Medvedev.

“Georgia has also joined the document with making certain amendment to the point six of the document, envisaging opening of international talks on the status of South Ossetia and Abkhazia,” the Kremlin said in a press release.

Georgia insisted to reword the sixth point of the document and to remove the word “status,” because of its ambiguity, leaving room for different interpretations, including the possibility to question the Georgia’s territorial integrity.

The amended wording of the sixth point, according to the document released by EU on August 13, reads: “Opening of international talks on the security and stability arrangements in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.”

President Medvedev pointed out at the need of immediate signing of a binding document on non-use of force between the sides.

Don't Be Indifferent!

We Are All Georgians

by John McCain
For anyone who thought that stark international aggression was a thing of the past, the last week must have come as a startling wake-up call. After clashes in the Georgian region of South Ossetia, Russia invaded its neighbor, launching attacks that threaten its very existence. Some Americans may wonder why events in this part of the world are any concern of ours. After all, Georgia is a small, remote and obscure place. But history is often made in remote, obscure places.

As Russian tanks and troops moved through the Roki Tunnel and across the internationally recognized border into Georgia, the Russian government stated that it was acting only to protect Ossetians. Yet regime change in Georgia appears to be the true Russian objective.

Two years ago, I traveled to South Ossetia. As soon as we arrived at its self-proclaimed capital -- now occupied by Russian troops -- I saw an enormous billboard that read, "Vladimir Putin, Our President." This was on sovereign Georgian territory.

Russian claims of humanitarian motives were further belied by a bombing campaign that encompassed the whole of Georgia, destroying military bases, apartment buildings and other infrastructure, and leaving innocent civilians wounded and killed. As the Russian Black Sea Fleet began concentrating off of the Georgian coast and Russian troops advanced on one city after another, there could be no doubt about the nature of their aggression.

Despite a French-brokered cease-fire -- which worryingly does not refer to Georgia's territorial integrity -- Russian attacks have continued. There are credible reports of civilian killings and even ethnic cleansing as Russian troops move deeper into Georgian territory.

Moscow's foreign minister revealed at least part of his government's aim when he stated that "Mr. Saakashvili" -- the democratically elected president of Georgia -- "can no longer be our partner. It would be better if he went." Russia thereby demonstrated why its neighbors so ardently seek NATO membership.

In the wake of this crisis, there are the stirrings of a new trans-Atlantic consensus about the way we should approach Russia and its neighbors. The leaders of Poland, Estonia, Lithuania, Ukraine and Latvia flew to Tbilisi to demonstrate their support for Georgia, and to condemn Russian aggression. The French president traveled to Moscow in an attempt to end the fighting. The British foreign minister hinted of a G-8 without Russia, and the British opposition leader explicitly called for Russia to be suspended from the grouping.

The world has learned at great cost the price of allowing aggression against free nations to go unchecked. A cease-fire that holds is a vital first step, but only one. With our allies, we now must stand in united purpose to persuade the Russian government to end violence permanently and withdraw its troops from Georgia. International monitors must gain immediate access to war-torn areas in order to avert an even greater humanitarian disaster, and we should ensure that emergency aid lifted by air and sea is delivered.

We should work toward the establishment of an independent, international peacekeeping force in the separatist regions, and stand ready to help our Georgian partners put their country back together. This will entail reviewing anew our relations with both Georgia and Russia. As the NATO secretary general has said, Georgia remains in line for alliance membership, and I hope NATO will move ahead with a membership track for both Georgia and Ukraine.

At the same time, we must make clear to Russia's leaders that the benefits they enjoy from being part of the civilized world require their respect for the values, stability and peace of that world. The U.S. has cancelled a planned joint military exercise with Russia, an important step in this direction.

The Georgian people have suffered before, and they suffer today. We must help them through this tragedy, and they should know that the thoughts, prayers and support of the American people are with them. This small democracy, far away from our shores, is an inspiration to all those who cherish our deepest ideals. As I told President Saakashvili on the day the cease-fire was declared, today we are all Georgians. We mustn't forget it.

Mr. McCain is the Republican nominee

Mass Jailbreak in Georgia

Up to 150 inmates escaped from the high security prison in Khoni, western Georgia, Justice Minister, Nika Gvaramia, said at a press conference on August 14.

The mass jailbreak took place on August 12, but it was only reported two days later.

“You know that during this tense period the prisons were not guarded by special purpose units as these troops were involved in the military conflict,” Gvaramia said. “Only a small contingent was left there [to guard the prison].”

He said that the law enforcement agencies recaptured up to 50 inmates. One inmate was killed, he said, and four other wounded.

Gvaramia said that the authorities were not able to use helicopters in search operations, because of the presence of Russian forces on the Georgian territory.

He called on the inmates to return back “voluntarily” pledging to mitigate their punishment.

Georgian Police Could Not Enter Gori

The Georgian police failed to enter into Gori so far, despite earlier agreement with the Russian forces to allow them inside the town on August 14.

Georgian police vehicles are lined up outside Gori, an eyewitness said, and there are talks underway between the Georgian official representatives and Russian military officials. It, however, is not yet clear what they are negotiating on.

Deputy commander of the Russia’s airborne troops, Maj. Gen. Alexander Borisov, said late on August 13 after negotiations with the Georgian officials that the Georgian police would be allowed to enter into Gori on August 14.